by Sumanta Banerjee
The route of the Naxalite movement that was mapped in 1967 at the time of the Naxalbari uprising and adopted by the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in 1970, that of organising peasant guerrilla movements as a means of capturing power, has been reiterated in the programme adopted by its successor, the CPI (Maoist) in 2004. But there is a need to combine guerrilla warfare with the building up of united fronts with other democratic forces in the political arena and civil society in order to supplement the protracted armed struggle.
by Manoranjan Mohanty
Since the Naxalbari uprising nearly four decades ago, the Naxalite movement now comprises various groups that appear bound together by a commonality in ideology, though their aims to achieve revolution differ. The different groups within the movement may appear fragmented but as long as sharp iniquities prevail in the current social and economic polity, their vision will continue to appeal to the dispossessed and the marginalised. The Indian state by its unitary response of violence and repression is not only guilty of a blinkered understanding of the situation but is in danger of perpetuating the culture of violence in large parts of the country.
by Sitaram Yechury
In their decade long struggle, the Maoists of Nepal have shown a creative approach in their politics. The latest is their decision to enter the democratic mainstream and participate in competitive politics. The Nepal experience demands a rethink by the Indian Maoists of their own politics and understanding of concrete conditions.
by Tilak D Gupta
In spite of its expansion to new areas and a remarkable increase in its military capabilities and striking power, the Maoist movement led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) faces a political-organisational crisis of sorts. The Maoists’ goals – the building of a “mighty mass movement against imperialism”, isolating and defeating the Hindutva-fascist forces, and building a “powerful urban movement, particularly of the working class” as complementary to armed agrarian struggle remain as elusive as ever. At a more theoretical level, the programme and strategic-tactical line of the CPI (Maoist) seem inadequate in coping with the complex Indian reality in a changed international situation, and in the context of the worldwide severe setback that socialism has suffere
By Sagar
The presence and growth of the Maoist movement today is essentially due to the dire socio-economic situation of people living in the “affected” parts of the country. Like at the time of the Naxalbari upsurge 39 years ago, even today it is a combination of stark poverty, an indifferent or even exploitative state machinery and oppressive feudal/business elites in different parts of the country that has been at the heart of the Maoist insurgency.
By Bela Bhatia
The Naxalite rebellion has been a significant political movement of our times. However, the growing displacement of open mass activity by militaristic action in recent years has been a loss for the movement. This article draws attention to some troubling aspects of revolutionary violence ? practical organisational problems, serious ethical issues, a tendency to accord precedence to the interests of the party over those of the people, and the inherent failure of putting the movement?s social vision into practice in the immediate.
by Bala gopal
In a situation marked by severe state repression of the Maoist movement in Andhra Pradesh, violent retaliation by the Maoists, and the state’s brutal counter-attack (led by the greyhounds) to gain the upper hand, the Maoists are finding it difficult to retain the support of the next generation of the most oppressed. State-encouraged gangs, calling themselves tigers and cobras have unleashed private vengeance, which has played a major role in immobilising the substantial over-ground support of the movement. But above all is the tragic loss of the lives of organic leaders from among the most oppressed.
This is so useful in study material